The FARC's Ecuadorean Friends

Previously undisclosed documents, fruits of the Colombian military's raid on a Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (a.k.a. FARC) camp in Ecuador in 2008, came into my hands last week.

The FARC's second in command, Raúl Reyes, was killed in that raid. But he left behind laptop computers containing correspondence detailing a cozy relationship not only with Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez but also -- the fresh documents reveal -- with the government of Ecuadorean President Rafael Correa.

Someone should tell the White House. Ten days ago, President Obama called Mr. Correa to, according to a spokesman, "congratulate him on his recent re-election." Mr. Obama also wanted to "express his desire to deepen our bilateral relationship and to maintain an ongoing dialogue that can ensure a productive relationship based on mutual respect."

Mr. Correa is anything but respectful of U.S. interests in the region. He's more like Fidel Castro -- albeit with a Ph.D. in economics from the University of Illinois. Under his rule, liberty has been evaporating faster than you can say bolivariano. Now the Reyes letters provide strong evidence that he has been actively supporting the Marxist FARC guerrillas, who see the U.S. as a major enemy.

Mr. Correa has publicly claimed that he is not a FARC accomplice. But Reyes reported otherwise. In a Jan. 5, 2007, letter to FARC leader Manuel Marulanda he wrote of an impending visit from "an emissary of Rafael Correa." The purpose of the meeting was, among other things, to come up with "bilateral collaborative agreements" in which "our captured guerrillas in their territory are handed over to us and none of them go into the hands of Colombian authorities."

Reyes said that the emissary was coming "to strengthen the binational committee -- made up of comrades of the [Colombian Clandestine Communist Party] and Ecuadorean friends -- that would denounce the violations of Ecuadorean sovereignty by [Colombian] troops and demonstrate the harmful effects of fumigation." In other words, Ecuador wanted to help the FARC in two of its most important objectives: establishing a safe haven over the border and ending fumigation of coca crops, a key source of the FARC's drug-trade income.

In another note to Marulanda on Jan. 28, 2007, Reyes mourns the death of his "amiga, the minister," referring no doubt to Ecuador's minister of defense, Guadalupe Larriva, who was killed in a helicopter crash four days earlier. But looking on the bright side, he said, another minister, this one "of finance, also wants to visit us on the 9th."

Then, on Jan. 18, 2008, Reyes wrote to the FARC secretariat summarizing "a visit from the Ecuadorean minister of security, Gustavo Larrea, who in the name of President Correa brought greetings" for Marulanda. According to Reyes, Mr. Larrea expressed "interest on behalf of the president to make official [Ecuador's] relationship with FARC leadership."

Reyes wrote that Mr. Larrea said he was ready to remove security-force commanders who were "hostile with communities" in the border area, and that Ecuador would not do anything to help Colombian President Alvaro Uribe in Colombia's internal conflict. "For [Ecuador]," Mr. Reyes explained, "the FARC are an insurgent organization of the people with social proposals and policies that [Ecuador] understands."

According to Reyes, Mr. Larrea asked if the FARC was interested in gaining belligerent status (i.e. international legitimacy). He also reported that Ecuador "would sue Colombia in international court for the damages caused by fumigating" the coca crops and revoke the license for the U.S. military base at Manta. (Ecuador did both.) Ecuador "has it clear that Uribe represents the interests of the White House, the multinationals and the oligarchs and considers him dangerous to the region."

Mr. Larrea has conceded publicly that he called on Reyes. But he claims it was in the interest of winning the release of FARC hostages. For sure that was one objective. Reyes reported that Mr. Larrea wanted to pull off a "swap" of hostages for prisoners because it would "energize" Mr. Correa's political career. But the Reyes letters reveal much more than a desire on the part of Mr. Correa to be a humanitarian hero. They paint a picture of a government bent on undermining its neighbor, Colombia.

It is possible that Reyes mistook Correa realpolitik for genuine goodwill toward the FARC. But the rebel leader seemed certain that six Latin countries are sympathetic to the Marxist cause. He proposed that Marulanda write to the presidents of Ecuador, Argentina, Bolivia, Nicaragua, Venezuela and Uruguay to seek "support from various friendly countries" that might advance the process of forcing a settlement with Colombia.

Mr. Uribe will visit the White House next week. It will be interesting to see if Mr. Obama is as concerned about the bilateral relationship with Colombia as he is about the relationship with Mr. Uribe's not very friendly neighbor next door.